Anwar told Daim that if Dr Mahathir tries to get rid of him he would fight Dr Mahathir till the very end. Daim advised Anwar that it would be foolish to take on Dr Mahathir because the Prime Minister would finish him off. Better Anwar resigns and go overseas for two or three years and then return to Malaysia once things have cooled down.
THE CORRIDORS OF POWER
Raja Petra Kamarudin
This was what Asiaweek reported on 18th September 1998, just two days before Anwar Ibrahim was arrested and subsequently charged for corruption and sodomy and slapped with a 15-year jail sentence:
It might have been a straightforward show of support for the prime minister – but for one man. On Sept. 5, Mahathir Mohamad was meeting with some regional leaders of his United Malays National Organization (UMNO), the dominant party of Malaysia’s ruling coalition. He used the occasion to allow one of his vocal supporters, Supreme Council member Ibrahim Ali, to lash out at former deputy PM Anwar Ibrahim, controversially dismissed by Mahathir three days earlier amid accusations of illicit sexual activities and other offenses. As the PM was about to wind up the meeting claiming unanimous support for the sacking, state assemblyman Kamaruddin Mohamed Nor stood up to voice his objections. The longtime Anwar ally told Mahathir that if only he would allow people to speak their minds, he would realize there was much less conformity of views. Furthermore, Kamaruddin said, the evidence being cited for Anwar’s alleged sexual misconduct was flimsy.
“Under Islamic law, a Muslim who accuses another of adultery better have solid, corroborative evidence,” he said. “False or less-than-solid evidence is punishable by 80 lashes under Islam’s shariah law. Since I am not convinced there is enough evidence, as a Muslim I have to register my dissent.” Kamaruddin later told friends that irrespective of what happens to Anwar, “I have to answer to my creator one day.”
Whether motivated by his conscience or simply a desire to defend an old friend, Kamaruddin’s was a defiant act. The sacking of Anwar as deputy PM and finance minister, and his expulsion from UMNO and the party’s deputy presidency, has stunned not only Malaysia but much of the region. At home, ordinary Malaysians have been flocking to Anwar’s house in droves to show their support. Abroad, says Abdul Razak Abdullah Baginda of the Malaysian Strategic Research Center, “many in ASEAN are shocked – they didn’t expect [Anwar's dismissal].” Anwar’s aides say ASEAN dignitaries have called their boss to commiserate, most notably Indonesian President B.J. Habibie. Philippine President Joseph Ejercito Estrada describes Anwar as “a good friend.” He adds: “Prime Minister Mahathir has allowed pride to get the better of him, at the expense of his people and country.”
Precious few Malaysian government and party officials agree with such sentiments, at least not openly. During a late-night UMNO Supreme Council meeting held on Sept. 3 – a day after Anwar was stripped of his cabinet posts – he was given the chance to defend himself. None of his peers present offered their support. Instead, they asked him to resign from his party post; he refused. Anwar left the meeting early; as he departed from the building, he signaled to his grassroots supporters gathered outside that he had been axed by running his finger across his throat. As expected, Mahathir announced half an hour later that his onetime heir apparent had been expelled from UMNO. The reason? “We find him not suitable, that’s all,” said the PM.
What was not reported and is normally not reported are the goings-on behind the scenes leading to the events of September 1998 that almost brought down Barisan Nasional in November 1999 and triggered Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s resignation in June 2002.
In May 1997, Dr Mahathir went on two months leave and announced that Anwar Ibrahim would be taking over as Acting-Prime Minister and Acting-Umno President. While Dr Mahathir was away, the first of the poison-pen letters against Anwar alleging sexual misconduct surfaced.
Dr Mahathir returned in July 1997 and the following month he announced that the sexual misconduct allegations against Anwar were false and that people should not believe them. Anwar has a lot of enemies, said Dr Mahathir, and these enemies are trying to bring him down.
In December 1997, Dr Mahathir and Anwar clashed over how to handle the Asian Financial Crisis. Anwar wanted to hand Malaysia to the IMF while Dr Mahathir resisted. The joke going around at that time was Dr Mahathir told Anwar: why do we need the IMF when we have the EPF?
Dr Mahathir then undermined Anwar by naming his confidante, Tun Daim Zainuddin, as the head of the National Economic Action Council, hence undercutting Anwar’s position as Finance Minister.
By then most of us knew that Anwar was finished and that his days were definitely numbered.
In March 1998, Petronas was asked to bail out Dr Mahathir’s son, Mirzan. Mirzan wanted RM2 billion for his transportation conglomerate, Konsortium Perkapalan, but Anwar refused to consider it and agreed to only RM1 billion. Dr Mahathir never forgave Anwar for that and he still grumbles about it until today, especially since Petronas made hundreds of millions on the deal while Mirzan had to take a RM1 billion haircut.
In April 1998, more poison-pen letters against Anwar surfaced while two months later the book ‘50 Reasons Why Anwar Can’t Be Prime Minister’ was published.
Dr Mahathir then accused Anwar of laying the groundwork to challenge him and in that same month Umno Youth leader Ahmad Zahid Hamidi raised allegations of nepotism and corruption against the Prime Minister.
Dr Mahathir practically went berserk and retaliated by revealing the names of others who had benefited from government contracts and cheap share allocations, including those friends and family members of Anwar and of Zahid himself.
Dr Mahathir then undermined Anwar even further by appointing Daim the Special Functions Minister in charge of economic development, thus further eroding Anwar’s position as Finance Minister.
Dr Mahathir then ordered an investigation into the sexual misconduct allegations against Anwar and, in July 1998, Anwar’s friend and tennis partner, S. Nallakaruppan (named in the book as the organiser of Anwar’s sexcapades), was arrested under the Internal Security Act.
And, in September 1998, Dr Mahathir made his move to finish Anwar off once and for all.
Before Dr Mahathir made his final stab he asked Daim to meet Anwar first to try to convince him to resign. Anwar, however, refused. Daim reminded Anwar that he serves in the Cabinet at the pleasure of the Prime Minister and the Prime Minister has every right to remove him.
Anwar told Daim that if Dr Mahathir tries to get rid of him he would fight Dr Mahathir till the very end. Daim advised Anwar that it would be foolish to take on Dr Mahathir because the Prime Minister would finish him off. Better Anwar resigns and go overseas for two or three years and then return to Malaysia once things have cooled down.
Anwar knew that he had almost 90% of the Umno Supreme Council members with him and if push comes to shove he would win. So he dared Dr Mahathir to call a Supreme Council meeting and see who gets sacked in the end.
Dr Mahathir realised he was outnumbered. But he still went in to the Supreme Council meeting anyway even though he would most likely lose the battle. However, this was a classic case of the hunted becoming the hunter and Dr Mahathir managed to turn the tables on Anwar and successfully rallied the Supreme Council over to his side.
Instead of Dr Mahathir getting ousted, Anwar was the one who ended up getting kicked out. And it was the sexual misconduct and sodomy allegation that did it.
Was sodomy really the issue? Of course not! If it were then Anwar would have been ousted many years earlier because Dr Mahathir had known about this matter for some time. Sodomy was the most convenient excuse and the most effective way to turn Anwar’s supporters against him.
By the time Dr Mahathir finished, the dead man walking stayed on as Prime Minister while the executioner ended up in jail for six years.
Now do you know why I just love that man? He did what even Marcos and Suharto could not.
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